In Christianity Jesus and God were at heart against violence and they were proportional
in use of its application. God’s views are clearly reflected in Psalm 11
"The Lord examines the righteous, but the wicked, those who love violence,
he hates with a passion." The Church of England in the UK now works on a
model called the five marks of mission. One of the church’s mission is to seek
to transform unjust structures of society to challenge violence of every kind
and to peruse peace and reconciliation.
With me and my personality I find that my faith's justice principles have given me more zeal to fight against injustice when I sometimes see it.
I will discuss how conflict resolution can be applied to ameliorate modern day destructive conflict in society. In many parts of the world today, especially in developing countries, religion is still an integral part to the lives of many. Religion can be used constructively or destructively and it is the destructive use of religion that often makes headline news whereas the constructive use of religion receives little or no attention.
In this article I will centre on the constructive use of religion faith based conflict resolution which is a form of track 2 diplomacy in application. In this article I will argue that religion can be used constructively to contribute towards resolving conflicts. Therefore religion can be utilised as a force for peace in the international arena.
Faith-based actors have had an impact on the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and contributed to rebooting South Africa with a new moral consciousness. The Catholic lay international (NGO) Sant' Egidio has helped to play a part in the signing of the Guatemalan peace accords. Faith based actors have also played a part in the peace negotiations in Northern Ireland and I will briefly discuss in this article how this happened. I will also briefly discuss other conflicts that religion has contributed in resolving.
With me and my personality I find that my faith's justice principles have given me more zeal to fight against injustice when I sometimes see it.
I will discuss how conflict resolution can be applied to ameliorate modern day destructive conflict in society. In many parts of the world today, especially in developing countries, religion is still an integral part to the lives of many. Religion can be used constructively or destructively and it is the destructive use of religion that often makes headline news whereas the constructive use of religion receives little or no attention.
In this article I will centre on the constructive use of religion faith based conflict resolution which is a form of track 2 diplomacy in application. In this article I will argue that religion can be used constructively to contribute towards resolving conflicts. Therefore religion can be utilised as a force for peace in the international arena.
Faith-based actors have had an impact on the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and contributed to rebooting South Africa with a new moral consciousness. The Catholic lay international (NGO) Sant' Egidio has helped to play a part in the signing of the Guatemalan peace accords. Faith based actors have also played a part in the peace negotiations in Northern Ireland and I will briefly discuss in this article how this happened. I will also briefly discuss other conflicts that religion has contributed in resolving.
The constructive use of religion has clear implications for conflict
resolution. We need to learn how to apply conflict resolution skills and tools in
our management of dispute mediation.
I hope some of you enjoy reading it and learning how religion can be used
constructively to resolve conflicts.
Introduction
The re-emergence of religion as a political actor in international relations
has not gone without tension. Eminent social scientists, such as Max Weber and
Auguste Comte, predicted the demise of religion as societies advanced. Instead,
in International relations, what we have been witnessing since the 1979 Iranian
Revolution is the steady re-emergence of religion as a political actor.
Faith-based actors orientate their peace-building and conflict resolution around the values of their faith and their faith shapes their outlook. They can mediate in conflicts that may be termed religious or have a religious component which does not limit their peace building to conflicts surrounding religion. Secular individuals can also be trained in peace building in religious disputes and peace building initiatives.
Faith based dispute management can be initiated by individual actors or institutions/organisations and by inter-religious councils.
I argue in this article that whilst it cannot be reasonably denied that religion can be used destructively. Faith based conflict resolution, which is a form of track 2 diplomacy or is now sometimes referred to as track 7 diplomacy can also contribute towards resolving conflicts.
This ability of religion to be used constructively or destructively is the dual nature of religion and what is at the heart of Scott Appleby’s terminology the ‘Ambivalence of the Sacred' (Appleby 2000). Faith based conflict resolution offers the potential for rich resources of peace-building that are often missed. The constructive use of religion has clear implications for domestic and international relations.
What we have been witnessing since the end of the Cold War is the destabilisation it left behind.
The legacy of imperialism and colonialism in many parts of the world is also still being felt today. We are also witnessing a reaction against Western supremacy and ideologies in some parts of the world.
Track 1 diplomacy hard power has essentially proved ineffective on its own in managing emerging conflicts. The UN was late to recognise this and this will be discussed further.
Megan Shore makes the case that, if religion is part of the problem then it needs to also be part of the solution (Shore 2009:3). What we have been witnessing are new ways of exploration and rejection, and in some countries this has surfaced through religion, I will explore this further on.
Religion is for many people a strong component of identity, values and norms and therefore, may help determine peoples’ moral compass and what they are willing or not willing to do. This is crucial to take into account within the realms of conflict resolution.
What I aim to demonstrate in this article is the latent potential of faith based conflict resolution and what I present is just the tip of the iceberg but my case studies should be able to provide useful insights for other cases. I concentrate on religions of the Abrahamic faith tradition, but more so Christianity in this article but all religions have the potential to be used constructively. Religious peace builders guided by the underlying principles of their faith can also attempt to get disputants to tap into the positive conflict resolution tools that can be found within their own sacred texts.
Identity Politics
Religion continues to be an important part of many individual’s lives around the world. The latter part of the 20th century gave rise to a resurgence of religion in many countries such as, the United States, South Africa, Nigeria and China (Moghadam 2003:20-39). This resurgence was the most profound in Russia and the Slavic Republics - what was repressed under Communism was now resurfacing.
There are different parts that make up an individual's identity for example: religion, ethnicity and gender are just a few. Identities are fluid and some people's religious identity will be more pronounced than others. To some people their faith is central and underpins all that they do. Religion can give people motivation and shape peoples’ world-views and impact on how they live their lives and be their modus operandi. Religion can impact on how people interpret reality.
Religion can help define an individual’s value system and give them rules to live by and norms. Norms reflect patterned behaviour which Andrew Hurrell argues gives rise to normative expectations about what ought to be done (Carlsnaes,Thomas, Simmons 2002: 143).
Faith-based actors orientate their peace-building and conflict resolution around the values of their faith and their faith shapes their outlook. They can mediate in conflicts that may be termed religious or have a religious component which does not limit their peace building to conflicts surrounding religion. Secular individuals can also be trained in peace building in religious disputes and peace building initiatives.
Faith based dispute management can be initiated by individual actors or institutions/organisations and by inter-religious councils.
I argue in this article that whilst it cannot be reasonably denied that religion can be used destructively. Faith based conflict resolution, which is a form of track 2 diplomacy or is now sometimes referred to as track 7 diplomacy can also contribute towards resolving conflicts.
This ability of religion to be used constructively or destructively is the dual nature of religion and what is at the heart of Scott Appleby’s terminology the ‘Ambivalence of the Sacred' (Appleby 2000). Faith based conflict resolution offers the potential for rich resources of peace-building that are often missed. The constructive use of religion has clear implications for domestic and international relations.
What we have been witnessing since the end of the Cold War is the destabilisation it left behind.
The legacy of imperialism and colonialism in many parts of the world is also still being felt today. We are also witnessing a reaction against Western supremacy and ideologies in some parts of the world.
Track 1 diplomacy hard power has essentially proved ineffective on its own in managing emerging conflicts. The UN was late to recognise this and this will be discussed further.
Megan Shore makes the case that, if religion is part of the problem then it needs to also be part of the solution (Shore 2009:3). What we have been witnessing are new ways of exploration and rejection, and in some countries this has surfaced through religion, I will explore this further on.
Religion is for many people a strong component of identity, values and norms and therefore, may help determine peoples’ moral compass and what they are willing or not willing to do. This is crucial to take into account within the realms of conflict resolution.
What I aim to demonstrate in this article is the latent potential of faith based conflict resolution and what I present is just the tip of the iceberg but my case studies should be able to provide useful insights for other cases. I concentrate on religions of the Abrahamic faith tradition, but more so Christianity in this article but all religions have the potential to be used constructively. Religious peace builders guided by the underlying principles of their faith can also attempt to get disputants to tap into the positive conflict resolution tools that can be found within their own sacred texts.
Identity Politics
Religion continues to be an important part of many individual’s lives around the world. The latter part of the 20th century gave rise to a resurgence of religion in many countries such as, the United States, South Africa, Nigeria and China (Moghadam 2003:20-39). This resurgence was the most profound in Russia and the Slavic Republics - what was repressed under Communism was now resurfacing.
There are different parts that make up an individual's identity for example: religion, ethnicity and gender are just a few. Identities are fluid and some people's religious identity will be more pronounced than others. To some people their faith is central and underpins all that they do. Religion can give people motivation and shape peoples’ world-views and impact on how they live their lives and be their modus operandi. Religion can impact on how people interpret reality.
Religion can help define an individual’s value system and give them rules to live by and norms. Norms reflect patterned behaviour which Andrew Hurrell argues gives rise to normative expectations about what ought to be done (Carlsnaes,Thomas, Simmons 2002: 143).
Some individual's will build a sense of shared community around their place of
worship. This can help to solidify their religious identity and therefore their
dependence on their place of worship and their religious leaders. In some
traditional communities the church or their place of worship may be the bedrock
of their community.
If a conflict involves two groups from different faiths and ethnicities, then the conflict is termed as ethnoreligious. Individual's can fight to protect their ethnicity and religion when they feel either is under threat which can make these conflicts more intractable and protracted.
If a conflict involves a strong religious element then religion will need to be taken account in this conflict and faith based actors will need to play a role in building sustainable peace and I will explore this more in my next chapter on conflict transformation.
If a conflict involves two groups from different faiths and ethnicities, then the conflict is termed as ethnoreligious. Individual's can fight to protect their ethnicity and religion when they feel either is under threat which can make these conflicts more intractable and protracted.
If a conflict involves a strong religious element then religion will need to be taken account in this conflict and faith based actors will need to play a role in building sustainable peace and I will explore this more in my next chapter on conflict transformation.
Jonathon Fox conducted a study into domestic conflicts in the post cold war era and the role religious violence played in these conflicts (Goldewijk 2007:129) He used data from the Minorities at Risk Report, State Failure Dataset and the Religion and State Dataset (RAS). He identified eight trends concerning domestic conflicts. The second trend that he identified was that religion is rarely the cause of conflicts and is only the primary cause of conflicts in a minority of cases (ibid 2007:129). This trend leans closely to the instrumentalist argument. Instrumentalists argue that religion is not in most cases the root cause of conflicts. They argue that the root cause of conflicts emanates from social, economic and political causes. In order to ameroliate so-called religious conflicts it would mean tackling the root cause of conflicts.
The media, I argue, fuel this misrepresentation of conflicts. I do not downplay the way that ethnoreligious conflicts can function but continually not giving any debate to the other issues involved serves to confirm that religion again is the main source of conflicts and presents a distorted picture. It can also detract attention from socio-economic problems that need to be addressed. Fox’s seventh trend also identified that religion can be used as source of peace and as a potential tool for conflict resolution (ibid 2007:129)
Susanna Pearce also conducted a study in 2005, involving territorial conflicts between 1946 and 2001 (Pearce 2005: 333). Pearce used religion as a control variable to isolate the role that religion played instead of just using the broad definition of identity conflicts which, makes it very difficult to determine the role that religion played. Pearce found that “when the relevance of religion to the conflict is incorporated to address the limits of identity-oriented definition of a religious conflict the relationship between the involvement of religion and conflict intensity weakens below an accepted level of significance"(ibid: 343 ).
Conflict Transformation
Conflict Transformation
History
The
end of the Cold War brought changes; the dismantling of the bipolar system of
order that had kept conflicts in Africa in check now led to a proliferation of
violent crises throughout the continent (Franke 2008:13). The world now changed
their attention from Africa to the Middle East and Eastern Europe. Track 1
diplomacy (‘official’ diplomacy) stopped far short of being inclusive enough of
a wide proportion of people that did not live in the Western world. Track 1 diplomacy
involves diplomats, heads of state, top level government officials and
international organisations, such as the UN. This realisation that Track 1 diplomacy
was ineffective alone in dealing with emerging conflicts led to Track 2
‘unofficial’ diplomacy growing in recognition. As Howard Coward and Gordon S
Smith state Track 1 diplomacy was just not enough (Coward, Smith eds 2004:
243).
Some governments have now begun to see the need to
train diplomats on religion because, as they have learnt in some parts of the
world, religion is integral to peoples’ being and not taking culture which
religion is a part of into account can result in negotiators being
conscious of the impact of culture when talks fail rather than when they
succeed (Cohen 1992: 18)
After 2001, the UN increasingly
saw the need for faith-based actors (UN 7th June 2001:147). The
key findings of the UN's 2007 Interreligious Dialogue was also clear. The UN
was still to play a central role in promoting a culture of peace, and faith-based
actors should contribute towards building that culture of peace, because they have a unique moral and spiritual
authority (UN 2007:III). Faith-based actors can also contribute towards
building peace alongside other non state actors that are engaged in divergent
forms of multi-track diplomacy.
Non-state actors also began to
realise that they could not just wait for the United Nations and the five
members, in particular, of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to assist
them and this led to an increase of non-state actors engaged in peace-building.
The African Union, a regional organisation, now recognises the importance of
engaging with religious leaders because of their influential power and how
religion is tightly woven into conceptions about identity in many traditional
countries (AU Interfaith forum declaration 2010). This therefore confirms that
there is a growing recognition that faith-based actors do play an important
part in building peace.
Theory
The term conflict resolution, implies, that a conflict has been resolved and that the nature of a conflict has changed into one that is no longer hostile or violent. Conflict resolution can include arbitration, mediation and negation. At the "deepest level of conflict resolution is a conflict transformation approach"(Miall, Woodhouse 2005:8). Conflict transformation suggests that there has been a deep change in the relationships of those involved in a conflict and in the situation that led to that conflict.
Peace-building is the term most commonly used for post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation by individual actors or institutions/organisations and inter- religious councils. Face based actors do receive most often training in religious dispute management.
Lederach devised a Levels of Leadership pyramid that was based on Adam Curle’s ‘Making Peace'(Lederach 1995:12). At the top level tier (Level 1) are those with high levels of visibility. These can include high profile religious leaders, political or military officials. At Level 2 are those well respected figures in the community and religious leaders can also operate at this level. Level 3 is the grassroots level.
Faith based actor’s work can engage in working to reduce prejudice and other grassroots peace-building in their communities. Faith-based actors working at grassroots level peace-building and working in the community can act as voices for those in their local community and pressure those higher up to implement change- this is known as a bottoms-up approach. A peace-building from below approach draws on resources from the local community to work towards trying to bring about change, over the long-term, by laying down the building blocks and foundations for peace.
Faith based actors can also have a top-down effect. What this means is that those higher up at the Level 1 tier in (Lederach’s levels of Leadership pyramid) are in a position to try to influence those in power that may able to make changes. They may also have the contacts to do this. If these changes are implemented, they will trickle down and, in some cases and potentially improve the conditions of peoples’ lives.
Also, forgiveness, forgiveness can be defined as "the forswearing of resentment, the resolute over-coming of anger and hatred that are naturally directed towards a person who has done an unjustified non-excused moral wrong" (Murphy, Jeffrey 1998:15) and reconciliation in conflict resolution can be defined as “the restoring of broken relationships and learning to live non-violently with radical differences” (Miall, Woodhouse 2005:231).
Forgiveness, reconciliation and repentance are deeply rooted in the Abrahamic tradition but strongly accentuated in Christianity. Yehudith Auerbach argues that forgiveness is a necessary though not sufficient condition for resolving conflicts that are identity based (Auerbach 2005:469).
Reconciliation is the end goal of conflict transformation. Auerbach notes some debate in conflict resolution as to whether reconciliation leads to forgiveness and debate about if whether there is a casual link between forgiveness and reconciliation and it is a contested area (Auerbach 2005:477). However, it can be said that some faith-based actors can because, of their faith, develop a real motivation in trying to get disputants to repent, forgive and reconcile as, these requirements are explicitly stated in their religious texts and are their norms as we saw in the TRC with Archbishop Desmond Tutu.
Forgiveness can lead to reconciliation in some cases; so it encourages the restoration of ruptured relationships which is clearly advantageous in peace-building. Forgiveness on its own is a positive end. Whether religious leaders always achieve this is not in question here. These themes, forgiveness, reconciliation and repentance can contribute to the transformation of conflicts and building sustainable peace. Appleby states that religious actors are the least vulnerable to treat reconciliation as managed or efficient (Appleby 2000: 195).
Faith based actors can also be involved in transnational justice and truth commissions. Transnational justice is the transitioning of an undemocratic or totalitarian rule to a democratic one and truth commissions are political processes but as we saw with the South African TRC faith based actors can shape the direction of Truth Commissions and this will become evidently clear through my case study on the South African TRC.
Faith based actors can also be engaged in conflict resolution in various other ways also. A religious leader’s position in the community can give them credibility and legitimacy and they can use their position to influence those in their community and bring clarity to disputes.
Religion can be used as a ‘soft’ power - this phrase was first used by Joseph Nye. It essentially means that, through the power of persuasion and attractive ideas, you can influence the actions of others (Haynes 2007:125). Hard Power such a military intervention can only be used at best as a short term sticking plaster as it is not a fix and especially not in the resolution of protracted deep-rooted conflicts. Soft power can be used either directly or indirectly.
Religious leaders, in some communities because of their credibility and influence that they hold, will be in a position to use this power constructively or destructively. This soft power can give religious leaders a unique leverage to resolve conflicts. In societies where religious leaders are respected they are also in a position to try and get those in their community to support peace processes and can therefore be good mobilisers for peace.
Also, some religious leaders will be critically engaged in a constant re-visioning of their texts and drawing on those that promote peace. Ijtihad a continuous evolving and interpretation of the Qur’an is just one tool that can be used to interpret the Qu’ran in today's world. Scholars like Abu Nimer also believe that within the Islamic tradition also that there exist practices that support a conflict resolution approach. (Ramsbotham,Woodhouse, Miall 2005 pg 311).
Furthermore, the potential constructive universal message that religious leaders can put over is unquestionable. Douglas Johnson makes clear that faith-based actors can draw on a range of spiritual tools such as prayer, rituals and scripture (Johnson 2003:16-17). We saw this quite clearly in the South African TRC and I will discuss this in greater detail in my case study.
In some cases having a local faith-based actor, that may be indigenous to your community may help to make some individuals to be more receptive. They may also likely know the needs of their community and this is something that just cannot be learnt in a book. These actors may also have a longer amount of time to spend in an area can potentially put them in a more opportune position to follow cases through.
Both soft and hard power approaches should be seen as complementary and we should determine what the best steps to take are to ameliorate conflicts and let that serve as a guide. As Krishan Berg Harpiken and Hanne Eggen Roislen have argued "by virtue of the organization and normative system they represent, religious authorities may have a credibility that it is difficult for a nonreligious peace broker to acquire" (Harpviken, Roislen 2008 :365).
Appleby has stated that faith based actors are more likely to be successful when they have an international or transnational reach, if they emphasise peace avoidance over force and if they have good relationships with people from different religions (Appleby 2000: 1-2).
Appleby has also stated that the interventionist mode, where faith- based actors is invited to resolve conflicts are the most promising area for faith-based actors (Appleby 2000: 239).
Of course, if faith-based actors are invited to mediate then it shows that there is some willingness there to change and that their position is also respected. And what may confound some is that Appleby also argues that religious actors make the most impact when they remain religious actors and not when they are moderating their faith (Appleby 2000:16). It is important to note also as Johnson states that if there has been an impasse with Track 1 diplomacy that we need to look at other avenues and sometimes a faith- based actor as I have already demonstrated and as my case studies will demonstrate can help to break that impasse.
Different countries may demand different styles of communication and resolution. Communication matters and if you cannot communicate with people effectively then the chances of success in any kind of negotiation will be very slim. Raymond Cohen has pointed out that negotiators tend to be more conscious of the impact of culture when talks fail then when they succeed (Cohen 1992 Pg 18). This is something that we should try to prevent. Also attempting to ignore local cultures customs and norms fails in taking the complexity of culture seriously and how it is internalised by some people.
The term conflict resolution, implies, that a conflict has been resolved and that the nature of a conflict has changed into one that is no longer hostile or violent. Conflict resolution can include arbitration, mediation and negation. At the "deepest level of conflict resolution is a conflict transformation approach"(Miall, Woodhouse 2005:8). Conflict transformation suggests that there has been a deep change in the relationships of those involved in a conflict and in the situation that led to that conflict.
Peace-building is the term most commonly used for post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation by individual actors or institutions/organisations and inter- religious councils. Face based actors do receive most often training in religious dispute management.
Lederach devised a Levels of Leadership pyramid that was based on Adam Curle’s ‘Making Peace'(Lederach 1995:12). At the top level tier (Level 1) are those with high levels of visibility. These can include high profile religious leaders, political or military officials. At Level 2 are those well respected figures in the community and religious leaders can also operate at this level. Level 3 is the grassroots level.
Faith based actor’s work can engage in working to reduce prejudice and other grassroots peace-building in their communities. Faith-based actors working at grassroots level peace-building and working in the community can act as voices for those in their local community and pressure those higher up to implement change- this is known as a bottoms-up approach. A peace-building from below approach draws on resources from the local community to work towards trying to bring about change, over the long-term, by laying down the building blocks and foundations for peace.
Faith based actors can also have a top-down effect. What this means is that those higher up at the Level 1 tier in (Lederach’s levels of Leadership pyramid) are in a position to try to influence those in power that may able to make changes. They may also have the contacts to do this. If these changes are implemented, they will trickle down and, in some cases and potentially improve the conditions of peoples’ lives.
Also, forgiveness, forgiveness can be defined as "the forswearing of resentment, the resolute over-coming of anger and hatred that are naturally directed towards a person who has done an unjustified non-excused moral wrong" (Murphy, Jeffrey 1998:15) and reconciliation in conflict resolution can be defined as “the restoring of broken relationships and learning to live non-violently with radical differences” (Miall, Woodhouse 2005:231).
Forgiveness, reconciliation and repentance are deeply rooted in the Abrahamic tradition but strongly accentuated in Christianity. Yehudith Auerbach argues that forgiveness is a necessary though not sufficient condition for resolving conflicts that are identity based (Auerbach 2005:469).
Reconciliation is the end goal of conflict transformation. Auerbach notes some debate in conflict resolution as to whether reconciliation leads to forgiveness and debate about if whether there is a casual link between forgiveness and reconciliation and it is a contested area (Auerbach 2005:477). However, it can be said that some faith-based actors can because, of their faith, develop a real motivation in trying to get disputants to repent, forgive and reconcile as, these requirements are explicitly stated in their religious texts and are their norms as we saw in the TRC with Archbishop Desmond Tutu.
Forgiveness can lead to reconciliation in some cases; so it encourages the restoration of ruptured relationships which is clearly advantageous in peace-building. Forgiveness on its own is a positive end. Whether religious leaders always achieve this is not in question here. These themes, forgiveness, reconciliation and repentance can contribute to the transformation of conflicts and building sustainable peace. Appleby states that religious actors are the least vulnerable to treat reconciliation as managed or efficient (Appleby 2000: 195).
Faith based actors can also be involved in transnational justice and truth commissions. Transnational justice is the transitioning of an undemocratic or totalitarian rule to a democratic one and truth commissions are political processes but as we saw with the South African TRC faith based actors can shape the direction of Truth Commissions and this will become evidently clear through my case study on the South African TRC.
Faith based actors can also be engaged in conflict resolution in various other ways also. A religious leader’s position in the community can give them credibility and legitimacy and they can use their position to influence those in their community and bring clarity to disputes.
Religion can be used as a ‘soft’ power - this phrase was first used by Joseph Nye. It essentially means that, through the power of persuasion and attractive ideas, you can influence the actions of others (Haynes 2007:125). Hard Power such a military intervention can only be used at best as a short term sticking plaster as it is not a fix and especially not in the resolution of protracted deep-rooted conflicts. Soft power can be used either directly or indirectly.
Religious leaders, in some communities because of their credibility and influence that they hold, will be in a position to use this power constructively or destructively. This soft power can give religious leaders a unique leverage to resolve conflicts. In societies where religious leaders are respected they are also in a position to try and get those in their community to support peace processes and can therefore be good mobilisers for peace.
Also, some religious leaders will be critically engaged in a constant re-visioning of their texts and drawing on those that promote peace. Ijtihad a continuous evolving and interpretation of the Qur’an is just one tool that can be used to interpret the Qu’ran in today's world. Scholars like Abu Nimer also believe that within the Islamic tradition also that there exist practices that support a conflict resolution approach. (Ramsbotham,Woodhouse, Miall 2005 pg 311).
Furthermore, the potential constructive universal message that religious leaders can put over is unquestionable. Douglas Johnson makes clear that faith-based actors can draw on a range of spiritual tools such as prayer, rituals and scripture (Johnson 2003:16-17). We saw this quite clearly in the South African TRC and I will discuss this in greater detail in my case study.
In some cases having a local faith-based actor, that may be indigenous to your community may help to make some individuals to be more receptive. They may also likely know the needs of their community and this is something that just cannot be learnt in a book. These actors may also have a longer amount of time to spend in an area can potentially put them in a more opportune position to follow cases through.
Both soft and hard power approaches should be seen as complementary and we should determine what the best steps to take are to ameliorate conflicts and let that serve as a guide. As Krishan Berg Harpiken and Hanne Eggen Roislen have argued "by virtue of the organization and normative system they represent, religious authorities may have a credibility that it is difficult for a nonreligious peace broker to acquire" (Harpviken, Roislen 2008 :365).
Appleby has stated that faith based actors are more likely to be successful when they have an international or transnational reach, if they emphasise peace avoidance over force and if they have good relationships with people from different religions (Appleby 2000: 1-2).
Appleby has also stated that the interventionist mode, where faith- based actors is invited to resolve conflicts are the most promising area for faith-based actors (Appleby 2000: 239).
Of course, if faith-based actors are invited to mediate then it shows that there is some willingness there to change and that their position is also respected. And what may confound some is that Appleby also argues that religious actors make the most impact when they remain religious actors and not when they are moderating their faith (Appleby 2000:16). It is important to note also as Johnson states that if there has been an impasse with Track 1 diplomacy that we need to look at other avenues and sometimes a faith- based actor as I have already demonstrated and as my case studies will demonstrate can help to break that impasse.
Different countries may demand different styles of communication and resolution. Communication matters and if you cannot communicate with people effectively then the chances of success in any kind of negotiation will be very slim. Raymond Cohen has pointed out that negotiators tend to be more conscious of the impact of culture when talks fail then when they succeed (Cohen 1992 Pg 18). This is something that we should try to prevent. Also attempting to ignore local cultures customs and norms fails in taking the complexity of culture seriously and how it is internalised by some people.
Some traditional cultures are more emic (insider culture/member orientated
to resolve) in nature and Western approaches are more etic (more led by outside
observers who tend to prefer the
more “formal process” and “specialist role” and intervention through a
structured setting (Ausburger 1992 pg 37) to resolve these conflicts.
These approaches may be used to guide them.
Negotiators and mediators can draw on a repertoire of approaches according
to the need and subject matter. Direct communication which uses confrontation,
face to face negotiation, directness and frankness in stating demands are also
seen as prized in western conflict models. Indirect communication is used more
in traditional cultures which is often less direct in operation.
There are also high context and low context cultures which at times may need
different forms of communication tools to resolve conflict. China is a high context culture and there
form of communication style is typically more non verbal and based on shared
understanding and gestures such as
eye contact, facial expressions and the use of body language which may carry
significant weight in reaching effective communicating in this country.
Low context cultures prize more direct and specific verbal communication when
communicating. England is an example of a low context culture.
Orellana and Nimer (2008) have noted that lack of funds as an obstacle for faith- based actors carrying out their work (Nimer, Orellana 2008:573). This is a very valid point. In some traditional countries there is a lack of funds for peace-building and faith based-actors will not be in a position to engage in peace-building and conflict resolution.
Chapter 3
Northern Ireland
Orellana and Nimer (2008) have noted that lack of funds as an obstacle for faith- based actors carrying out their work (Nimer, Orellana 2008:573). This is a very valid point. In some traditional countries there is a lack of funds for peace-building and faith based-actors will not be in a position to engage in peace-building and conflict resolution.
Chapter 3
Northern Ireland
Faith based actor’s faith can make them resolute and determined in their quest
for peace. In the Northern Ireland conflict although reaching the stage where
the Northern Ireland conflict is at now was clearly a collaborative effort
faith-based actors had a part to play in trying to resolve this conflict.
Reverend Roy Magee and Father Alex Reid, negotiated cease fires with the paramilitaries in 1994 and that was a part of the process that led to the signing of the Good Friday agreement in 1998 (Rte.ie 2nd February 2009) At times they risked their lives because they were driven by their faith to find a solution to this conflict (Little 2007:53). Father Alex Reid has also spoken about how he saw the paramilitaries as regular people. He saw the humanity in them and faith based actors because of their norms and values can them see the humanity in all also because of their belief that we are all our creators’children.
Sant' Egidio: Guatamala
Sant' Egidio is a Catholic lay, international, NGO organisation that has had recognised success, acting in the capacity of mediators in Mozambique, Algeria and in Guatemala. They are a lay organisation and this means that their members do not take any vows. It is clear to ascertain that their inspiration for their work is motivated by their faith, through the clear references to their motivations on their website:-
“It was through these kinds of experiences that Sant'Egidio's belief in the "weak power" of prayer and in the transforming power of non-violence and persuasion has been born. These are attitudes that Jesus Christ himself lived to the end” (Sant’ Egidio website).
Reverend Roy Magee and Father Alex Reid, negotiated cease fires with the paramilitaries in 1994 and that was a part of the process that led to the signing of the Good Friday agreement in 1998 (Rte.ie 2nd February 2009) At times they risked their lives because they were driven by their faith to find a solution to this conflict (Little 2007:53). Father Alex Reid has also spoken about how he saw the paramilitaries as regular people. He saw the humanity in them and faith based actors because of their norms and values can them see the humanity in all also because of their belief that we are all our creators’children.
Sant' Egidio: Guatamala
Sant' Egidio is a Catholic lay, international, NGO organisation that has had recognised success, acting in the capacity of mediators in Mozambique, Algeria and in Guatemala. They are a lay organisation and this means that their members do not take any vows. It is clear to ascertain that their inspiration for their work is motivated by their faith, through the clear references to their motivations on their website:-
“It was through these kinds of experiences that Sant'Egidio's belief in the "weak power" of prayer and in the transforming power of non-violence and persuasion has been born. These are attitudes that Jesus Christ himself lived to the end” (Sant’ Egidio website).
Sant' Egidio, played a part in the signing of the Guatemalan peace accord in
1996, that brought a formal end to the Guatemalan war that raged for thirty-six
years.
The Catholic Church in Guatemala acted as agents for change after their initial support for anti- communist doctrines. The pressure from church officials also had a part to play in the government forming a National Reconciliation Commission (CNR) in 1989 (Accord 2002:40). This allowed civil society for the first time to give a voice to their grievances. For more discussions on the churches actions in Guatemala see (Calder 2001) (Jeffrey 1998).
The United Nations also played a role, acting as official negotiators.
However, in this case study I will analyse the role the Sant' Egidio contributed and put their achievements in context to have a clear picture of the role and impact that Sant' Egidio made.
The Catholic Church in Guatemala acted as agents for change after their initial support for anti- communist doctrines. The pressure from church officials also had a part to play in the government forming a National Reconciliation Commission (CNR) in 1989 (Accord 2002:40). This allowed civil society for the first time to give a voice to their grievances. For more discussions on the churches actions in Guatemala see (Calder 2001) (Jeffrey 1998).
The United Nations also played a role, acting as official negotiators.
However, in this case study I will analyse the role the Sant' Egidio contributed and put their achievements in context to have a clear picture of the role and impact that Sant' Egidio made.
The civil war in Guatemala started in 1962. Throughout this long embittered
war, there was a history of collapsed peace talks and setbacks. In 1995, Sant'
Egidio took the initiative and began unofficial, preliminary mediation talks
between government officials and the URNG officials in private. At a later
stage Alvaro Arzu, a candidate for the presidential elections, became
interested in the talks.
Sant' Egidio were also seen as a neutral party so this encouraged the disputants to engage in the talks. Faith-based organisations can sometimes be seen as a neutral and compassionate party so disputants might be inclined to allow them to mediate-This happened with Sant' Edigio in Mozambique (Haynes 2009:64).
Sant' Egidio were able to reignite the peace talks but, it is important to note, that the seeds for change were already there sown in society as talks had been going on for years. Sant' Edigio though, clearly contributed to conflict resolution. Both of these parties had never had face to face meetings before and Sant' Edigio providing them with space and the time for trust to be built that allowed them to air their grievances and allowed progress to be made.
In 1999 Sant' Edigio won the Felix-Houphouet-Boigny peace prize for their mediation efforts. The Felix-Houphouet-Boigny award is an award that is awarded by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) for recognised efforts “that have made a significant contribution to promoting, seeking, safeguarding or maintaining peace” (UNESCO.org website). It was clear in the press summary that Sant' Egidio’s mediation efforts were recognised in Guatemala (UNESCO PRESS 2001).
Sant' Edigio’s role in Guatemala contributed towards resolving this conflict. Although, the signing of the peace accord by no means ended all hostilities, it did bring a formal end to the war that caused untold devastation for over thirty years. Other actors also played a part in achieving these ends and that must be recognised also. However, Sant’ Egdio’s position as faith-based actors gave them a reputation as a neutral and compassionate party. They were able to break an impasse in this conflict because of a commitment to peace and their reputation.
South Africa
In this case study, my focus is on the role that religious leaders played in the TRC and also their impact on the TRC. I will also probe how the faith community has responded to the TRC’s recommendations.
Sant' Egidio were also seen as a neutral party so this encouraged the disputants to engage in the talks. Faith-based organisations can sometimes be seen as a neutral and compassionate party so disputants might be inclined to allow them to mediate-This happened with Sant' Edigio in Mozambique (Haynes 2009:64).
Sant' Egidio were able to reignite the peace talks but, it is important to note, that the seeds for change were already there sown in society as talks had been going on for years. Sant' Edigio though, clearly contributed to conflict resolution. Both of these parties had never had face to face meetings before and Sant' Edigio providing them with space and the time for trust to be built that allowed them to air their grievances and allowed progress to be made.
In 1999 Sant' Edigio won the Felix-Houphouet-Boigny peace prize for their mediation efforts. The Felix-Houphouet-Boigny award is an award that is awarded by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) for recognised efforts “that have made a significant contribution to promoting, seeking, safeguarding or maintaining peace” (UNESCO.org website). It was clear in the press summary that Sant' Egidio’s mediation efforts were recognised in Guatemala (UNESCO PRESS 2001).
Sant' Edigio’s role in Guatemala contributed towards resolving this conflict. Although, the signing of the peace accord by no means ended all hostilities, it did bring a formal end to the war that caused untold devastation for over thirty years. Other actors also played a part in achieving these ends and that must be recognised also. However, Sant’ Egdio’s position as faith-based actors gave them a reputation as a neutral and compassionate party. They were able to break an impasse in this conflict because of a commitment to peace and their reputation.
South Africa
In this case study, my focus is on the role that religious leaders played in the TRC and also their impact on the TRC. I will also probe how the faith community has responded to the TRC’s recommendations.
The TRC was the first of its kind to show the potential of how religious
language and leaders can be used at the level of public policy. In 1993 the
Interim Constitution laid down the legal framework for the Truth and
Reconciliation Commission (TRC) (Interim Constitution Act 2000 1993: 15).The TRC
was to be infused by the spirit of Unbuntu an African Xhosa tradition and the
end goal was to promote national unity and reconciliation.
The TRC was to be infused with a spirit of understanding and not vengeance. At the heart of Unbuntu is the understanding that we are human through one another. Truth Commissions are political processes and are a conflict resolution mechanism. The TRC was an attempt to come to a broad consensus about the past and build bridges for a new South Africa. The apartheid past fractured and splintered South Africa, South Africa needed healing.
In 1985, 150 black and white theologians presented the Kairos document, which was a sustained vilification of the apartheid system-the Kairos document made clear that apartheid was a sin against God (Kairos Document 1985:4). This served as a form of momentum in both the national and also international communities who were already exerting pressure on the South African government in the form of embargos and sporting restrictions.
In 1990, many churches in South Africa including the DRC, attended the Rustenberg conference. A declaration was reached and this declaration stressed a need for confession- this declaration was later given by Bishop Mogaba to Nelson Mandela, who was still incarcerated on Robben Island( ibid:130). Mandela himself also had a desire to see a reconciled South Africa. This was clearly evident by his inauguration speech in 1994 in which he spoke about a need to see a reconciled united South Africa (Speaking of faith website 1994).
I will focus on three of the TRC hearings the Institution hearings, the Amnesty hearings and the Human Rights Violations (HRVC) hearings. The TRC opened in a church and commissioners symbolically lit candles. Lyn Graybill states that Tutu dressed in purple clerical robes, clearly acting as a religious figure (Graybill 1998:46). Audrey Chapman and Bernard Spong argue “Without the input of religious figures.....the lobbying and the activities of churches and other NGOs did bring some fundamental key adaptations to the final legalisation” (Chapman, Spong 2003:270). In the Institutions hearings the faith community and other organisations and businesses in South Africa were confronted by their implicitly in apartheid.
A clause in the National Promotion of Unity and Reconciliation Act granted full amnesty for those perpetrators found guilty of gross human violations abuses if they provided full disclosure and if there had been a political motivation (Promotion of National Unity Act 34 1995:1). The TRC had the power to grant amnesty (suspending criminal judgement on crimes) but not reparations (settlements) to the victims. With the mandate of the Promotion of the National Unity Act and the fact that it was headed by religious leaders this would colour the TRC proceedings.
The Amnesty hearings were where the perpetrators made confessions and this was not conducted in religious ceremony. Claire Moon in her book titled "Narrating Political Reconcilation-South Africa's Reconcilation Comission" points out that for some perpetrators the amnesty hearings were a performance and they appeared to be performing from a script- jumping through hoops because they knew what they had to say to get them amnesty (Moon 2008:99). Some victims’ and victims' families wanted actions and not words and not for the perpetrators to be given amnesty. They believed that the perpetrators deserved to feel the hand of justice. However, in the TRC, justice was to be served in the form of restorative (correcting imbalances and restoring past relationships) and not retributive (the emphasis is on punishment of the wrongdoer ('Lex Talionis') justice. The TRC had no mandate to criminally prosecute perpetrators if they complied with the procedure. Perpetrators also did not need to show remorse. What was required was just full disclosure.
The TRC was to be infused with a spirit of understanding and not vengeance. At the heart of Unbuntu is the understanding that we are human through one another. Truth Commissions are political processes and are a conflict resolution mechanism. The TRC was an attempt to come to a broad consensus about the past and build bridges for a new South Africa. The apartheid past fractured and splintered South Africa, South Africa needed healing.
In 1985, 150 black and white theologians presented the Kairos document, which was a sustained vilification of the apartheid system-the Kairos document made clear that apartheid was a sin against God (Kairos Document 1985:4). This served as a form of momentum in both the national and also international communities who were already exerting pressure on the South African government in the form of embargos and sporting restrictions.
In 1990, many churches in South Africa including the DRC, attended the Rustenberg conference. A declaration was reached and this declaration stressed a need for confession- this declaration was later given by Bishop Mogaba to Nelson Mandela, who was still incarcerated on Robben Island( ibid:130). Mandela himself also had a desire to see a reconciled South Africa. This was clearly evident by his inauguration speech in 1994 in which he spoke about a need to see a reconciled united South Africa (Speaking of faith website 1994).
I will focus on three of the TRC hearings the Institution hearings, the Amnesty hearings and the Human Rights Violations (HRVC) hearings. The TRC opened in a church and commissioners symbolically lit candles. Lyn Graybill states that Tutu dressed in purple clerical robes, clearly acting as a religious figure (Graybill 1998:46). Audrey Chapman and Bernard Spong argue “Without the input of religious figures.....the lobbying and the activities of churches and other NGOs did bring some fundamental key adaptations to the final legalisation” (Chapman, Spong 2003:270). In the Institutions hearings the faith community and other organisations and businesses in South Africa were confronted by their implicitly in apartheid.
A clause in the National Promotion of Unity and Reconciliation Act granted full amnesty for those perpetrators found guilty of gross human violations abuses if they provided full disclosure and if there had been a political motivation (Promotion of National Unity Act 34 1995:1). The TRC had the power to grant amnesty (suspending criminal judgement on crimes) but not reparations (settlements) to the victims. With the mandate of the Promotion of the National Unity Act and the fact that it was headed by religious leaders this would colour the TRC proceedings.
The Amnesty hearings were where the perpetrators made confessions and this was not conducted in religious ceremony. Claire Moon in her book titled "Narrating Political Reconcilation-South Africa's Reconcilation Comission" points out that for some perpetrators the amnesty hearings were a performance and they appeared to be performing from a script- jumping through hoops because they knew what they had to say to get them amnesty (Moon 2008:99). Some victims’ and victims' families wanted actions and not words and not for the perpetrators to be given amnesty. They believed that the perpetrators deserved to feel the hand of justice. However, in the TRC, justice was to be served in the form of restorative (correcting imbalances and restoring past relationships) and not retributive (the emphasis is on punishment of the wrongdoer ('Lex Talionis') justice. The TRC had no mandate to criminally prosecute perpetrators if they complied with the procedure. Perpetrators also did not need to show remorse. What was required was just full disclosure.
The HRVC hearings were for victims to tell their stories. In the HRVC
hearings the most representative cases where heard from a collection of 22,000
statements that were taken (Shore 2009:66). In telling their stories, those who
suffered from gross violations of human rights abuses would be recommended for
reparations. The HRVC hearings were cloaked in religious language and were
punctuated by hymn singing and prayers (Graybill 1998:48). However, the use of
such religious ceremonies was seen as inappropriate by those who were not
Christian, and felt ostracised by the Christian overtones; there were also
objections from some black religious leaders who viewed this pursuit of
reconciliation as a form of ‘cheap’ reconciliation (Chapman, Spong
2003:288-290).
‘Cheap’ reconciliation is seen as the hijacking of Christian notions of forgiveness -it was seen as necessary by those opposing 'Church theology'-to first tackle the injustices in South Africa before discussions about forgiveness could be entered into (Kairos document 1985: 11-12). The notion of 'Cheap' reconciliation is adapted from Dietrich Bonheoffer’s (1906-1945) ‘cheap’ grace. Tutu, in his book "No Future without Forgiveness", makes it quite clear that he does not believe that you need to wait until injustices are rooted out before you can start the reconciliation process (Tutu 1999: 220).
‘Cheap’ reconciliation is seen as the hijacking of Christian notions of forgiveness -it was seen as necessary by those opposing 'Church theology'-to first tackle the injustices in South Africa before discussions about forgiveness could be entered into (Kairos document 1985: 11-12). The notion of 'Cheap' reconciliation is adapted from Dietrich Bonheoffer’s (1906-1945) ‘cheap’ grace. Tutu, in his book "No Future without Forgiveness", makes it quite clear that he does not believe that you need to wait until injustices are rooted out before you can start the reconciliation process (Tutu 1999: 220).
South Africa was largely a Christian country in the mid 1990s. 87% of the
population in 1996 were Christian (Shore: 2009:60).
Also, commissioners like Dr Fazel Randera objected at first to the religious ceremony but then Randera changed his mind as they saw that the victims seemed to get comfort by drawing on their faith during the victim hearings (Shore 2009: 71). Lyn Graybill argues that Christianity had played a large part in the resistance struggle and support of apartheid that, it was a natural given, of the demographics of South Africa that the TRC would have a Christian influence (Graybill 1998:47). I agree with this argument.
Claire Moon argues these telling of stories for some victims were constrained by the overarching organising telogical framework of reconciliation (Moon 2008: 115). Also, for victims to fully, heal, if they do will take time and this is not something that we can expect to happen as a result of the TRC. For some the TRC did make them feel worse straight after the hearings and this is not be unexpected (Hayner 2002:144). However, there has appeared to be some cases where victims or victims' families’ when followed up did appear to get some form of reconciliation from the TRC. The mother of a woman murdered in the Heidelberg Tavern Massacre refused to cooperate with the national prosecuting authority when they tried to bring her case to trial as she was reconciled (Cole 2010:123).
My main concern is how the TRC contributed to building a moral community. National unity and reconciliation was the overarching aim of the TRC. Volume 1 of the TRC Final Report stated five different levels of reconciliation that needed to be worked on- personal reconciliation, reconciliation between victim and perpetrators, community reconciliation, national unity and reconciliation and reconciliation and redistribution. (Volume 1 TRC Chapter 5:106-110). The report however states that national unity was its overarching aim “The overarching task assigned to the Commission by Parliament was the promotion of national unity and reconciliation”.
The TRC did not directly lead to national reconciliation. Achieving reconciliation is a longer term process and it will be a collaborative effort; something that will need to be supported at all levels of society. It is largely agreed upon that the TRC did though contribute to a transition from apartheid to a more democratic inclusive form of government.
Also, many South Africans agreed that criminal trials could have led to civil war (Chapman, Herwe 2008:196). Forgiveness and reconciliation in its Christian prism will be a contentious issue especially when it is linked to perpetrators, justice and amnesty. Would the TRC have made such an impact if it was not cloaked in religious language and headed by religious leaders? Chapman and Herwe argue that truth commissions are not appropriate vehicles for promoting reconciliation and forgiveness, especially in a society with deep structural divisions(Chapman, Herwe 2008: 277).
Also, commissioners like Dr Fazel Randera objected at first to the religious ceremony but then Randera changed his mind as they saw that the victims seemed to get comfort by drawing on their faith during the victim hearings (Shore 2009: 71). Lyn Graybill argues that Christianity had played a large part in the resistance struggle and support of apartheid that, it was a natural given, of the demographics of South Africa that the TRC would have a Christian influence (Graybill 1998:47). I agree with this argument.
Claire Moon argues these telling of stories for some victims were constrained by the overarching organising telogical framework of reconciliation (Moon 2008: 115). Also, for victims to fully, heal, if they do will take time and this is not something that we can expect to happen as a result of the TRC. For some the TRC did make them feel worse straight after the hearings and this is not be unexpected (Hayner 2002:144). However, there has appeared to be some cases where victims or victims' families’ when followed up did appear to get some form of reconciliation from the TRC. The mother of a woman murdered in the Heidelberg Tavern Massacre refused to cooperate with the national prosecuting authority when they tried to bring her case to trial as she was reconciled (Cole 2010:123).
My main concern is how the TRC contributed to building a moral community. National unity and reconciliation was the overarching aim of the TRC. Volume 1 of the TRC Final Report stated five different levels of reconciliation that needed to be worked on- personal reconciliation, reconciliation between victim and perpetrators, community reconciliation, national unity and reconciliation and reconciliation and redistribution. (Volume 1 TRC Chapter 5:106-110). The report however states that national unity was its overarching aim “The overarching task assigned to the Commission by Parliament was the promotion of national unity and reconciliation”.
The TRC did not directly lead to national reconciliation. Achieving reconciliation is a longer term process and it will be a collaborative effort; something that will need to be supported at all levels of society. It is largely agreed upon that the TRC did though contribute to a transition from apartheid to a more democratic inclusive form of government.
Also, many South Africans agreed that criminal trials could have led to civil war (Chapman, Herwe 2008:196). Forgiveness and reconciliation in its Christian prism will be a contentious issue especially when it is linked to perpetrators, justice and amnesty. Would the TRC have made such an impact if it was not cloaked in religious language and headed by religious leaders? Chapman and Herwe argue that truth commissions are not appropriate vehicles for promoting reconciliation and forgiveness, especially in a society with deep structural divisions(Chapman, Herwe 2008: 277).
Shore argues that the Christian influence helped to shape the post-conflict
reconstruction stage of South Africa's transition through an emphasis on
truth-telling and reconciliation (Shore 2009:3). Russell Daye argues “it cannot
be questioned that many instances of individual victims or clusters forgiving
their tormentors were not facilitated by the TRC adding up these small dramas
amount to an advance in political forgiveness that will influence society as a
whole (Daye 2003:171).
The symbolic imagery and the emphasis on forgiveness had a crucial part to play in the slow journey towards the healing of this political body. It was the right approach to attempt to heal apartheid South Africa in 1996. Was it right for Desmond Tutu to ask a few victims if they can forgive, or indirectly pressuring them into? Did the TRC impede justice by focusing on having on underlined Christian theme in the TRC HRVC hearings and therefore indirectly link forgiveness with amnesty (Chapman, Spong 2003:274)?
The TRC process and more particularly the religious leaders contributed to rebuilding South Africa, so I see the proceedings as justified. Furthermore, I do agree with Fanie du Toit that the TRC was "designed to dramatically invert apartheid’s social hierarchy, and ensure that perpetrators’ engagement would restore the human and civic dignity of those who had suffered at their hands attempt by a nascent society"(South African Reconciliation Baraometer 2010:5 ). Chapman misses this point.
The religious input of the leaders helped to frame the questions and discussions post TRC and it did so with the impact of a juggernaut crashing into a city centre -it cannot be forgotten. This was also televised on national television so it was also very difficult for people to ignore. It became the benchmark and played an important part in laying down ethical and moral concerns, such as truth, forgiveness, reconciliation and human dignity.
In 2000 81% of black South Africans surveyed in a Institute for Justice and Reconciliation survey responded that national reconciliation will only take place if people forgive each other (Chapman, Herwe 2008:208). This figure was at 61% for white South Africans. A considerable majority of respondents also stated that the national reconciliation requires the healing of memories.
These principles can support the emergence of a human rights culture and the building of a stable democracy if the proper structures are put in place. Today questions are still asked about forgiveness and reconciliation in South Africa. The religious leaders left a long lasting legacy.
As been stated Nelson Mandela’s vision for South Africa also played a part in this process. The economy was also in a downturn and people wanted changes. The TRC and more in particular the religious leaders provided a solid backbone grounded in moral principles. I do see the TRC as a mechanism that was needed to attempt to restore broken relationships.The TRC was by no means a perfect process, the budget although it was the most that a TRC had ever had it was not enough. Also, high profile figures not taking part did not help either. The commissioner’s hands were also tied by the mandate and they did not have the power to grant repatriations.
We cannot ignore the victims. It is rough justice that some victims have not been able to get the reparations that they were promised which for some has not allowed them to close the door on the TRC.
The symbolic imagery and the emphasis on forgiveness had a crucial part to play in the slow journey towards the healing of this political body. It was the right approach to attempt to heal apartheid South Africa in 1996. Was it right for Desmond Tutu to ask a few victims if they can forgive, or indirectly pressuring them into? Did the TRC impede justice by focusing on having on underlined Christian theme in the TRC HRVC hearings and therefore indirectly link forgiveness with amnesty (Chapman, Spong 2003:274)?
The TRC process and more particularly the religious leaders contributed to rebuilding South Africa, so I see the proceedings as justified. Furthermore, I do agree with Fanie du Toit that the TRC was "designed to dramatically invert apartheid’s social hierarchy, and ensure that perpetrators’ engagement would restore the human and civic dignity of those who had suffered at their hands attempt by a nascent society"(South African Reconciliation Baraometer 2010:5 ). Chapman misses this point.
The religious input of the leaders helped to frame the questions and discussions post TRC and it did so with the impact of a juggernaut crashing into a city centre -it cannot be forgotten. This was also televised on national television so it was also very difficult for people to ignore. It became the benchmark and played an important part in laying down ethical and moral concerns, such as truth, forgiveness, reconciliation and human dignity.
In 2000 81% of black South Africans surveyed in a Institute for Justice and Reconciliation survey responded that national reconciliation will only take place if people forgive each other (Chapman, Herwe 2008:208). This figure was at 61% for white South Africans. A considerable majority of respondents also stated that the national reconciliation requires the healing of memories.
These principles can support the emergence of a human rights culture and the building of a stable democracy if the proper structures are put in place. Today questions are still asked about forgiveness and reconciliation in South Africa. The religious leaders left a long lasting legacy.
As been stated Nelson Mandela’s vision for South Africa also played a part in this process. The economy was also in a downturn and people wanted changes. The TRC and more in particular the religious leaders provided a solid backbone grounded in moral principles. I do see the TRC as a mechanism that was needed to attempt to restore broken relationships.The TRC was by no means a perfect process, the budget although it was the most that a TRC had ever had it was not enough. Also, high profile figures not taking part did not help either. The commissioner’s hands were also tied by the mandate and they did not have the power to grant repatriations.
We cannot ignore the victims. It is rough justice that some victims have not been able to get the reparations that they were promised which for some has not allowed them to close the door on the TRC.
Most truth commissions are one off's but this does not mean that valuable
lessons cannot be learnt from other truth commissions. Truth commissions get
inspiration from other truth commissions but they should adapt what will work
to their own country. In East Timor for example local traditions were used to
integrate the perpetrators back into the community. In South Africa settlement
was negotiated but in Chile for example they were transitioning from a
dictatorship and outcomes were different. More Truth Comissions have followed
after the South African TRC.
What has been the impact of the TRC
and have the recommendations been followed through? The fifth Truth
Reconciliation Volume laid out the recommendations for the faith community (TRC
Volume 5 33:36).
The victims many were promised reparations and that has not materialised and what has appeared to be for some was just token gestures (Sacramone-Lutz 2010:9). Victims have taken up some initiatives and one of them was the creation of a support group called the Khulumani support group. This support group sought to prosecute multinational corporations that they felt had been implicit in apartheid. Desmond Tutu also gave his backing for this case (Moon 2008:152). Several churches also supported the Khulmani support case which ceased in 2007.
In South Africa the Quaker Peace Centre were also engaged in grassroots peace-building. Another one of the faith inativites and legacy was the creation in 2005 of a Healing and Reconciliation project called transcending racism by SACC.
Some of the faith community had to come to terms with their own past that they played implicitly in apartheid and they needed to try to rebuild bridges with those in their community. The latest South African Reconciliation 2009 barometer polls shows that the church is the most trusted body in South Africa by quite some margin rating at 71% and they should be more involved in peace-building as they have a lot of moral influence (South Africa Reconciliation Barometer 2009:10).
It is clear in the
South African TRC that churches, religious leaders and organisations had a part
to play in rebooting South Africa with moral software. Some churches during
apartheid acted as agents of change. There needed to be more of a concerted
effort from businesses and government in helping to deal with the structural
problems in South Africa. Race relations have improved in South Africa but of
course that cannot be all directly be contributed to the TRC, but the TRC
provided a solid foundation (South African Reconciliation Barometer 2009:10).
It is a collaborative effort that will lead to changes and faith based actors
should be engaged in this effort. Reconciliation is a long term process and the
reconciliation process will need to be supported as a group effort at all
levels of society.
Sierra Leone
In Sierra Leone the inter-religious council was an active broker that played a
major part in the Lome Accord being signed.
Uganda
Betty used Christian principles such as reconciliation and a striving for peace
to guide her work and nurture her passion. Betty Oyella-Bigombe has been
credited for bringing representatives of the Lord’s Resistance Army in Uganda
to meet with members of the Ugandan government for the first time. During these
negotiations Bigombe also facilitated as a chief mediator and she had these
talks named after her.
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Branka
Peuraca conducted a study in 2001-2002 in Bosnia Herzegovina. Peuraca was
commissioned by the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) to investigate if
whether faith based non-governmental advisors (NGO’s) can advance interfaith
reconciliation. Peuraca’s objective in this study was to assess the role that
faith based (NGO’s) have had in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In Peuraca’s study she
found that faith based NGO’s did have a role to play in conflict mediation and
prevention (Peuraca 2003:11).
Summary
Summary
With Christianity an eye for an eye ‘Lex Talions” ended with the birth of Jesus
Christ. We are not expected now to seek revenge on wrongdoing but are expected
to forgive our enemy if they ask for forgiveness and if they are repentant.
We are also expected to reconcile those that have grieved us. It’s principles are set out in Matthew (5:38-44).
We are told that God will seek revenge for us in his own time.
We can though use the law of the land and seek justice through the courts just the same as everyone else and use the Old Testament as an example of respecting the law of the land.
We are though expected to protect our Temples which reside in us and Jesus himself drove out the money lenders from selling in front of the Temple. You can treat them in the manner and Spirit that Jesus treated them as well in good judgment and in a most compassionate proportinate way that is just.
Key Christian Principles
"To respond to human need by loving service"
" To seek to transform unjust structures of society to challenge violence of every kind and to pursue peace and reconciliation"
Conclusion
We are also expected to reconcile those that have grieved us. It’s principles are set out in Matthew (5:38-44).
We are told that God will seek revenge for us in his own time.
We can though use the law of the land and seek justice through the courts just the same as everyone else and use the Old Testament as an example of respecting the law of the land.
We are though expected to protect our Temples which reside in us and Jesus himself drove out the money lenders from selling in front of the Temple. You can treat them in the manner and Spirit that Jesus treated them as well in good judgment and in a most compassionate proportinate way that is just.
Key Christian Principles
"To respond to human need by loving service"
" To seek to transform unjust structures of society to challenge violence of every kind and to pursue peace and reconciliation"
Conclusion
It is clear that faith-based actors can contribute to the resolution of conflicts and play an important factor in some countries in resolving conflicts. This needs now to be broadly accepted that religion can be used as a force for peace.
All religions have the potential to be drawn on and used constructively-it is time to remove Western lenses. Building peace is a collective effort and faith-based actors have a role to play in this effort. It is now time to give attention the other side of religion and that as intellectually honest scholars we must recognise that religion has at times the capacity to be used constructively to resolve and prevent conflicts. Faith based actors need support to continue their work. Not supporting their work could potentially result in increased conflicts.
Let us use these peace transforming conflict resolution skills and tools in our
everyday management of dispute mediation.
Rachel Obanubi
Appleby Scott (2000) The Ambivalence of the Sacred: Religion, Violence and Reconciliation, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers
Shore Megan (2009) Religion and Conflict Resolution-Christianity and South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission
Culture and Conflict Resolution Kevin Avruch First Published 1998 Fourth edition
David Ausburger Conflict Mediation across cultures, Westminster John Knox Press 1992 Raymond Cohen, Negotiating across cultures-United States institute of peace press, fifth edition 2007.
Oliver Ramsbobtham, Tom Woodhouse, Hugh Miall (2005) Contemporary conflict resolution, Polity Press
Adam Curle’s -Making Peace 1998:15
Auerbach Yehudith (2005) Forgiveness and reconciliation: The religious dimension, Terrorism and political violence journal 17:469–485
Nimer Abu Mohammed, Orellana-Kadayifci Ayse S (2008) Muslim Peace-Building Actors in Africa and the Balkan Context: Challenges and Needs, PEACE & CHANGE, Vol. 33, No. 4
Lederach John Paul (2003) The Little Book of Conflict Transformation, Good Books
Burns Catherine (2002) Accord Conciliation Services- An Internal Review of Peace Initiatives-Issue 13-Owning the process –public participation in peacemaking
Murphy Jeffrie (1998) Forgiveness and Mercy, Hampton
Moon Claire (2008) Narrating Political Reconciliation-South Africa’s Reconciliation Commission, Lexington Books
Tutu Desmond (1999) No future without forgiveness, Random house publishing
Hayner B Priscilla, (2002) Unspeakable Truths-Facing the Challenges of Truth Commissions, Routledge
Cole M. Catherinec(2010) Performing South Africa’s Truth Commission, stages of Transition, Indiana University Press
Chapman R Audrey, Merwe der van Hugo (2008) Truth and Reconciliation in South Africa, University of Pennsylvania Press.
Daye Russell (2003) Political Forgiveness-Lessons from South Africa, Orbis Books
Journals
Auerbach Yehudith (2005) Forgiveness and reconciliation: The religious dimension, Terrorism and political violence journal 17:469–485
Calder Bruce (2001) The Role of the Catholic Church and the Other Religious Institutions in the Guatemalan Peace Process, 1980-1996 , Volume 41 Journal of Church and State.
Daniel Gladys, Paul Dixon (2008) Religion, pragmatic and the Fundamentalism and the Transformations of Northern Ireland, Journal of Peace Research 2008 45:419
Eisenstadt, S.N (2000) The Reconstruction of Religious Arenas in the Framework of `Multiple Modernities', Millennium - Journal of International Studies 2000; 29; 591
Funk N.C, Said AA (2002) The Role of Faith in Cross-Cultural Conflict Resolution,” Peace and Conflict Studies, 9:1 37-38
Graybil S Lyn, 1998) South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission: Ethical and theological perspectives, Ethics & International Affairs, Volume 12
Habermas Jurgen (2005) Religion in the public sphere, European Journal of Philosophy (14) 1-25
Harpviken Berg Kristian, Roislien Eggen Hanne (2008) Faithful Brokers Potentials and Pitfalls of religion in peacemaking, Conflict Resolution Quaterly Vol 25 no 3 Spring 2008.
Hasenclever Andreas, Rittberger Volker (2000) Does Religion Make a Difference? Theoretical Approaches to the Impact of Faith on Political Conflict Millennium - Journal of International Studies; 29; 641
Malhotra Deepak, Liyanage Sumanasiri, (2005) Long-Term Effects of Peace Workshops in Protracted Conflicts, The Journal of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 49, No. 6, pp. 908-924
Nimer Abu Mohammed (2001) Conflict Resolution, Culture and Religion: Toward a training model of interreligious peace building Journal of Peace Research Vol 38 no 6
Nimer Abu Mohammed, Orellana-Kadayifci Ayse S (2008) Muslim Peace-Building Actors in Africa and the Balkan Context: Challenges and Needs, PEACE & CHANGE, Vol. 33, No. 4
Volf Miroslav, (2000) Forgiveness, Reconciliation, and Justice: A Theological- Contribution to a More Peaceful Social Environment- Millennium - Journal of International Studies; 29; 861
Report
Assaf Mogahadam (2003) A Global Resurgence of Religion
Ayse S Bouta Tsejeard S Ayse Orellana Kadayifci (2005) Faith based Peace-building: Mapping and analysis of Christian, Muslim and Multi-Faith actors, Clingendal Institute & Salam Institute for Peace and Justice
Burns Catherine (2002) Accord Conciliation Services- An Internal Review of Peace Initiatives-Issue 13-Owning the process –public participation in peacemaking
(CIIR Briefing) From Truth to Transformation: The Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa (Dec 1999) Catholic Institute for International Relations
Giro Mark (1998) The Community of Saint Egidio and its Peace-Making Activities- Spectator No. 3 July September 1998
Samuel P Huntington Foreign Affairs (1993) The Clash of Civilisations
http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/48950/samuel-p-huntington/the-clash-of-civilizations
Powers Gerard (2008) Peacebuilding: A Role for Religion United Nations Catholic Peacebuilding
Smock David (2006) Religious Contributions to Peacemaking
When Religion Brings Peace, Not War-United States Peace Institute
UN (2007) High Level Dialogue of the General Assembly of Interreligious and Intercultural Understanding and Cooperation for Peace- Summary for the formal Interactive hearing with civil society.
Kairos Document 1985:4
South African Reconciliation Baraometer 2010:5
Sacramone-Lutz 2010:9
Shore Megan (2009) Religion and Conflict Resolution-Christianity and South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission
Culture and Conflict Resolution Kevin Avruch First Published 1998 Fourth edition
David Ausburger Conflict Mediation across cultures, Westminster John Knox Press 1992 Raymond Cohen, Negotiating across cultures-United States institute of peace press, fifth edition 2007.
Oliver Ramsbobtham, Tom Woodhouse, Hugh Miall (2005) Contemporary conflict resolution, Polity Press
Adam Curle’s -Making Peace 1998:15
Auerbach Yehudith (2005) Forgiveness and reconciliation: The religious dimension, Terrorism and political violence journal 17:469–485
Nimer Abu Mohammed, Orellana-Kadayifci Ayse S (2008) Muslim Peace-Building Actors in Africa and the Balkan Context: Challenges and Needs, PEACE & CHANGE, Vol. 33, No. 4
Lederach John Paul (2003) The Little Book of Conflict Transformation, Good Books
Burns Catherine (2002) Accord Conciliation Services- An Internal Review of Peace Initiatives-Issue 13-Owning the process –public participation in peacemaking
Murphy Jeffrie (1998) Forgiveness and Mercy, Hampton
Moon Claire (2008) Narrating Political Reconciliation-South Africa’s Reconciliation Commission, Lexington Books
Tutu Desmond (1999) No future without forgiveness, Random house publishing
Hayner B Priscilla, (2002) Unspeakable Truths-Facing the Challenges of Truth Commissions, Routledge
Cole M. Catherinec(2010) Performing South Africa’s Truth Commission, stages of Transition, Indiana University Press
Chapman R Audrey, Merwe der van Hugo (2008) Truth and Reconciliation in South Africa, University of Pennsylvania Press.
Daye Russell (2003) Political Forgiveness-Lessons from South Africa, Orbis Books
Journals
Auerbach Yehudith (2005) Forgiveness and reconciliation: The religious dimension, Terrorism and political violence journal 17:469–485
Calder Bruce (2001) The Role of the Catholic Church and the Other Religious Institutions in the Guatemalan Peace Process, 1980-1996 , Volume 41 Journal of Church and State.
Daniel Gladys, Paul Dixon (2008) Religion, pragmatic and the Fundamentalism and the Transformations of Northern Ireland, Journal of Peace Research 2008 45:419
Eisenstadt, S.N (2000) The Reconstruction of Religious Arenas in the Framework of `Multiple Modernities', Millennium - Journal of International Studies 2000; 29; 591
Funk N.C, Said AA (2002) The Role of Faith in Cross-Cultural Conflict Resolution,” Peace and Conflict Studies, 9:1 37-38
Graybil S Lyn, 1998) South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission: Ethical and theological perspectives, Ethics & International Affairs, Volume 12
Habermas Jurgen (2005) Religion in the public sphere, European Journal of Philosophy (14) 1-25
Harpviken Berg Kristian, Roislien Eggen Hanne (2008) Faithful Brokers Potentials and Pitfalls of religion in peacemaking, Conflict Resolution Quaterly Vol 25 no 3 Spring 2008.
Hasenclever Andreas, Rittberger Volker (2000) Does Religion Make a Difference? Theoretical Approaches to the Impact of Faith on Political Conflict Millennium - Journal of International Studies; 29; 641
Malhotra Deepak, Liyanage Sumanasiri, (2005) Long-Term Effects of Peace Workshops in Protracted Conflicts, The Journal of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 49, No. 6, pp. 908-924
Nimer Abu Mohammed (2001) Conflict Resolution, Culture and Religion: Toward a training model of interreligious peace building Journal of Peace Research Vol 38 no 6
Nimer Abu Mohammed, Orellana-Kadayifci Ayse S (2008) Muslim Peace-Building Actors in Africa and the Balkan Context: Challenges and Needs, PEACE & CHANGE, Vol. 33, No. 4
Volf Miroslav, (2000) Forgiveness, Reconciliation, and Justice: A Theological- Contribution to a More Peaceful Social Environment- Millennium - Journal of International Studies; 29; 861
Report
Assaf Mogahadam (2003) A Global Resurgence of Religion
Ayse S Bouta Tsejeard S Ayse Orellana Kadayifci (2005) Faith based Peace-building: Mapping and analysis of Christian, Muslim and Multi-Faith actors, Clingendal Institute & Salam Institute for Peace and Justice
Burns Catherine (2002) Accord Conciliation Services- An Internal Review of Peace Initiatives-Issue 13-Owning the process –public participation in peacemaking
(CIIR Briefing) From Truth to Transformation: The Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa (Dec 1999) Catholic Institute for International Relations
Giro Mark (1998) The Community of Saint Egidio and its Peace-Making Activities- Spectator No. 3 July September 1998
Samuel P Huntington Foreign Affairs (1993) The Clash of Civilisations
http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/48950/samuel-p-huntington/the-clash-of-civilizations
Powers Gerard (2008) Peacebuilding: A Role for Religion United Nations Catholic Peacebuilding
Smock David (2006) Religious Contributions to Peacemaking
When Religion Brings Peace, Not War-United States Peace Institute
UN (2007) High Level Dialogue of the General Assembly of Interreligious and Intercultural Understanding and Cooperation for Peace- Summary for the formal Interactive hearing with civil society.
Kairos Document 1985:4
South African Reconciliation Baraometer 2010:5
Sacramone-Lutz 2010:9
